Chapter 9

Interregional Interaction of the Chalchihuites Culture in Northwest Mesoamerica during the Classic and Postclassic Periods

José Luis Punzo Díaz

The northwest section of Mesoamerica is one of the most dynamic and culturally diverse areas of Mexico. This region is ecologically varied, spanning the Pacific coast and coastal plains, to the mountains of the Sierra Madre Occidental, across the grasslands of the eastern slopes to the mostly desertic areas in the central part of northern Mexico. A variety of people lived throughout this diverse landscape over time. There is evidence for human occupation beginning in the Archaic period (prior to 2000 BC), especially in some parts of the Sierra Madre and on the eastern slopes in the grasslands (Kelley 1952). The direct dating of maize made by MacWilliams et al. (2006) in the Sierra Tarahumara, slightly to the north of the area that forms the focus of this contribution, provided dates between 3,400–2,300 years BP. This indicates a long tradition of agriculture before the influence of other Mesoamerican cultures appears. Prior to the emergence of the Chalchihuites culture, the region was inhabited by a cultural group generally known as “Loma San Gabriel,” both in Zacatecas and in Durango (Foster 1978; Kelley 2002). To the north and east were hunter-gatherer groups that we know very little about.

In this chapter, I review processes of regional transformation in the northwest—shaped through interaction with various other Mesoamerican cultural traditions—that began in AD 200 and lasted over 1,300 years. Such interaction underpins archaeologically observed patterns in regional data, such as the existence of multiple cultural elements in the northwest that appear to have roots in neighboring regions, and serves to define the northwest frontier of Mesoamerica itself. These interactions impacted the southern core areas of Mesoamerica, northern Mexico, and even the American Southwest. Patterns of interaction across northwestern Mesoamerica—and between the northwest and other regions—have received much attention from archaeologists working in the area, and several descriptive and explanatory models have been proposed. Most of these are variations of World Systems Theory proposed by Wallerstein (1974), especially those presented in the last three decades of the twentieth century (see, e.g., Braniff 1992; Kelley 1986; Pailes and Whitecotton 1979; Pulb 1986). The most important and well known of these “core-periphery” models applied to northwestern Mesoamerica is that proposed by Kelley (1986). He postulated the concept of the “Aztatlán mercantile system” as an explanation for the presence of what he considered Mesoamerican traits in the US Southwest. Following and building on this model, there are more recent perspectives such as the Aztatlán expansion proposed by Mountjoy (2000), or the recent works of Carpenter (e.g., Carpenter et al. 2010), in what he calls “the road to Paquimé.” Other models that attempt to explain interaction across the northwest are based on ethnolinguistics, such as that proposed by Wilcox (1986; Wilcox et al. 2008) arguing a Tepehuán-Pima connection.

In my research, I employ a model based on a prestige goods economy that has been applied to long-distance trade relationships (Bradley 1999; Foster 1986; McGuire 1980, 1987; Nelson 1986). This model posits that “exotic” goods were used by local elites as a sign of power. I prefer this model because I think that it is not possible to explain sociocultural development in northwestern Mesoamerica—especially with regards to the Chalchihuites culture in Zacatecas and Durango—through simplified reductions of social processes stemming from interaction with an “active” center in core areas of Mesoamerica (such as Teotihuacan), whose influence was transmitted to a “passive” receptor along (or beyond) the northern frontier. Rather, I hold that the northwest region was a buffer zone (cf. McCarthy 2008) or a transitional area between the Mesoamerican world and other societies, some agricultural and some not, with different traditions. Thus, I maintain that the Chalchihuites phenomenon should be viewed as a mixture of groups with diverse adaptations to their particular environment that occurred in the context of cultural exchange stimulated by Mesoamerican relationships. Consistency in the types of goods encountered in the region—especially those ostensibly acquired from Mesoamerican sources to the south (e.g., ceramic iconography or lapidary technologies)—makes it very difficult to archaeologically detect differences between neighboring groups throughout the northwest. This is why I hold that there are some earlier sites such as Cerro Moctehuma and Alta Vista in Zacatecas—as well as La Ferrería (Formerly known as the Schroeder site) and Cañón de Molino in Durango in later periods—that reflect the northward movement of prestige goods used by local elites in the region.

The First 400 Years: The Frontier in Northwestern Zacatecas

The Chalchihuites culture in northwest Zacatecas began developing around AD 200, especially along the Suchil River. Kelley named this phenomenon the Canutillo phase (Kelley 1985, 1990). These groups were the first inhabitants in the northwest to have some Mesoamerican traditions (expressed primarily in ceramic iconography), and were also the first to establish settlements northwest of the Mesoamerican frontier (figure 9.1). During the early Canutillo phase, small hamlets were built along rivers. They were laid out as a series of quadrangular rooms surrounding patios with small central altars. The houses were built with perishable materials, such as jacales (thatch-roofed, wattle-and-daub huts). In those hamlets, especially along the San Antonio River, more traditional Mesoamerican features are evident (cf. Córdova and Martínez 2006), including Canutillo red filled ceramics, which displays an incised pattern filled with red pigment. Throughout this early period, the site of Cerro Moctehuma was the most significant. This site is on an eastern branch of the Suchil River, eight kilometers from the junction of the Suchil and Colorado Rivers. Like many Chalchihuites sites, it sits atop a large mesa that bounds the Suchil River. The site layout is a pattern of courtyards with a central altar, which, in some cases, was surrounded by platforms and rooms, with a small pyramidal structure on one end. The site also has a larger pyramid, with some courtyards at its foot, very similar to those present at La Ferrería in Durango, as we will see.

Alta Vista, on the Colorado River in northwestern Zacatecas, and La Quemada, 100 mi. southeast, emerged as regional centers around AD 400. During the next two archaeological phases subsequent to Canutillo (Vesuvio AD 650–750 and Alta Vista AD 750–850), a number of traditionally Mesoamerican characteristics appear in the region, particularly in terms of architecture. These characteristics stand out at La Quemada, for example, architectural elements such as closed plazas with central altars, pyramids, ballcourts, and columned rooms (Jiménez-Betts 1994:140). At this time, Alta Vista became the northernmost point of the Mesoamerican tradition, having features related to Teotihuacan in central Mexico (e.g., formalized pyramidal architecture, pecked-cross petroglyphs with astronomical connotations). In this sense, the most accepted interpretation today is that Alta Vista was an older hamlet later controlled by Teotihuacan ritual specialists, looking for the point where “the sun turns back”—the Tropic of Cancer (Aveni et al. 1982; Medina and García 2010). Studies of the pecked cross-like petroglyphs at Cerro Chapín, Zacatecas, by Kelley and Aveni (Aveni et al. 1982), those at Tuitán, Durango, by Hers and Flores (2013; see also Flores 2013), and ongoing work by myself and others appear to corroborate this astronomical hypothesis. Of course, it is significant that recent work at Teotihuacan indicates that by AD 575 it was experiencing social, political, and religious crises that resulted in the destruction of important portions of the city and the dispersion of part of its population (cf. López-Luján 2003; Manzanilla 2003). How such upheavals in central Mexico affected the northwest frontier, however, remains obscure.

At Alta Vista, the Hall of Columns (figure 9.2) and the southeast plaza are the oldest constructions at the site, dating to circa AD 400–450. The corners of the southeast plaza are oriented to the cardinal points—a rarity in Mesoamerica. The plaza is sunken and had a central altar. On the northeast side is the Hall of Columns. In this square structure are four parallel rows with seven columns each, made of adobe, possibly used to support an expansive roof. This important site had other sectors such as the Serpent Wall; the Astronomer’s Complex, built around AD 500–550; the Southeast Plaza; and the Labyrinth or the Three Temples Complex. One temple, the Sun Pyramid, built around AD 835, is an adobe structure with a top decorated with sun-related motifs and crenellated elements. An interior crypt contained rich offerings that included a set of pseudo-cloisonné cups. Also in the complex is the Temple of the Skulls. It housed a great amount of human bones, including a striking assemblage of perforated skulls, and femurs with traces of tied ropes used for hanging them from the ceiling as trophies (García and Medina 2008).

One of the most characteristic elements of the Chalchihuites in northern Zacatecas is the situation of sites adjacent to abundant mines, including several surrounding Alta Vista. Weigand (1968, 1982, 1995) posited that the mines and their rare minerals or gemstones provided the main motivation behind Teotihuacan’s interest and presence in the area (see also Jesper Nielsen et al., chapter 6 in this volume). Research over the last twenty years has refined our understanding of this scenario. First, dating objects from the mines, Schiavitti (1996) concluded that the mining in the area dates to the late Alta Vista phase, well after the decline of Teotihuacan. Regarding the resources that were mined, different green stones, such as malachite, have been recovered; however, no turquoise has been found (Fenoglio 2011; Schiavitti 1996). Nevertheless, Kelley reports more than 17,000 turquoise items in northern Zacatecas but very few in Durango. Recently, UV and X-ray fluorescence studies have been applied to samples from sites in northern Zacatecas investigated by Córdova and Martínez (2006). They confirmed the presence of a great amount of chemical turquoise and a smaller proportion of amazonite (Melgar et al. 2014), but without positive provenience.

Since the Classic period Vesuvio and Alta Vista phases have usually been considered to be the time when the majority of Mesoamerican characteristics appear in the region, we may perhaps infer that this influence was a result of the dispersion of part of the Teotihuacan population, and that Mesoamerican ideas thus impacted local developments during these phases. At this time in the northwest there is clear social stratification, a developed astronomical knowledge, rich Mesoamerican-style iconography, and the development of complex architecture throughout the region. The iconography presented on examples of Suchil ceramics is indicative of this Mesoamerican link. First, the quadrangular division of the plates and many of the motives were very close to the Chupicuaro tradition of Guanajuato-Michoacán and the Loma Alta tradition of central Michoacán (Carot and Hers 2011). For example, the representation of pairs of double-headed “priests,” the use of the Mesoamerican speech scroll, and humanized serpents, among other motifs, are suggestive of interaction—or at the least suggest that Suchil ceramic artisans were conversant with contemporaneous representational conventions in other areas of Mesoamerica “proper.” Further, at the end of the preceding Canutillo phase and the beginning of the Vesuvio phases, the movement of people or Mesoamerican traits to the north is suggested at sites such as La Atalaya in southeastern Durango. There, materials associated mainly with the Alta Vista and Ayala phases have been found, but with a very solid presence of earlier Canutillo ceramics (Kelley 1962). Recent research at the community museum in Villa Union, Durango, confirms the presence of those kinds of materials.

A 200-Mi. Shift in the Northwest Frontier of Mesoamerica ca. AD 600: The Vesuvio–Alta Vista Phases (AD 650–850) in Zacatecas and the Ayala Phase (AD 600–850) in Durango

Around AD 600 the Mesoamerican frontier shifted to its most northern extent, in the vicinity of Zape, near the border of the states of Durango and Chihuahua (Brand 1971; see figure 9.1). It is important to question whether such a “frontier” was perceived by the cultural groups inhabiting this region, as this category was created by modern-day scholars, and there are no obvious natural boundaries separating groups that adopted some Mesoamerican traditions and those who did not. Thus, the northwestern frontier comprises a large territory of interaction and cultural contact among different groups that produced and consumed, in different proportions, the archaeological items that are related to broader, pan-Mesoamerican traditions. In this sense, sites south of this frontier region in Durango—such as those in the Guadiana Valley (for instance, La Ferrería) or Cañón de Molino in the Guatimapé Valley—are evidence of more abundant materials that display clearer links to Mesoamerican cultural traditions further south. Such parallels are evident in ceramics with rich iconography, such as the representation of plumed serpents, horned serpents, big felines such as jaguars and mountain lions; and architectural features such as sunken patios, pyramids, colonnaded halls, and ballcourts, among others. On the other hand, sites in the north, such as Hervideros in the Santiago River Valley (Hers 2006; Hers and Polaco 2005) or Zape (Brand 1971) in the northwest part of the state of Durango—and closer to the frontier itself—evidence fewer material parallels. Nonetheless, at these northern sites, Mesoamerican influence is noted in architectural features such as colonnaded halls, ballcourts, or ceramic types with rich Mesoamerican iconography such as Michililla red fill engraved or Mercado Red-on-Buff, but these are in minor proportion compared to southern assemblages.

The reasons behind this phenomenon of expanding Mesoamerican influence in the Chalchihuites region during the Classic period continue to elude adequate explanation. It could be due to any number of factors, or combination thereof, including (1) an influx of people from the south who were abandoning certain central Mexico sites and/or Teotihuacan; (2) the imposition by force of Mesoamerican ideas upon the Chalchihuites; and/or (3) climactic shifts that increased rainfall in the north, thereby augmenting the amount of arable land suitable for intensive agricultural cultivation. This issue is beyond the scope of the present chapter and therefore must be treated in future investigations. For the moment, however, I will explore the proposition that the florescence of the Chalchihuites culture, the expansion of the northwestern frontier of Mesoamerica, and the consolidation of major sites in the northwest were a result of internal factors and changes within the region, rather than an effect of Teotihuacan hegemony or direct imposition from central Mexico (cf. Jesper Nielsen et al., chapter 6 in this volume).

The Ayala phase in the Guadiana Valley begins about AD 600 (figures 9.3 and 9.4), during which time Chalchihuites groups first consolidated their settlements. Based on its size and the presence of architectural futures such as pyramids, large, sunken patio complexes, and ballcourts, it is evident that La Ferrería was the most complex site constructed at the beginning of the Ayala phase, and is therefore perhaps most representative of the burgeoning Chalchihuites consolidation, at least in some aspects. In general, however, Chalchihuites builders in the Guadiana Valley used almost every elevation above the valley floor to construct their settlements. They selected hills near rivers or creeks and with good surrounding agricultural land. No evidence of canal irrigation has been found, and it is presumed that crops were planted in areas with a high water table or that received sufficient rain from constant summer showers. On hilltops, Chalchihuites groups built diverse structures, even on the small hills. One constant element is the use of small plazas surrounded by mostly square habitation rooms as the nuclei of the sites. Typically, only a single room was built, but in some cases double or triple rooms are found. However, there does not appear to have been any internal communication between rooms. Isolated structures—some of them circular in form—are also frequently found in the patios (Punzo 2016).

One of the clearest indicators of interaction between the northwest and broader, pan-Mesoamerican traditions is the presence of ballcourts. The courts are simple constructions having two parallel walls 10 to 15 m in length and less than 1 m in height. There is usually a 4 to 6 m separation between walls, with no walls across the postulated terminus. The orientation of the ballcourts is generally north-south (Kelley 1997). In the Guadiana Valley, there are examples of ballcourts in sites such as La Ferrería and Mesa del Encinal, but there are also sites that have double ballcourts, including Mesa de las Tapias in the southern Guadiana Valley and La Tutuveida in northwestern Durango near Santiago Papasquiaro (Berrojalbiz 2012). Ballcourts are thus spread throughout the Chalchihuites territory in Durango.

Archaeologists working in the region generally agree that the apogee of Alta Vista in northern Zacatecas is contemporary with the beginning of the Ayala phase in the Guadiana Valley of Durango, circa AD 600. In numerous surveys over the past decade in the Guadiana Valley, we have established the presence of ceramic types associated with this phase at roughly 35 percent of the sites in the valley that evidence Chalchihuites decorated wares (Punzo 2013a). In this sense, the Nayar site could be the best example of developments at the beginning of the Ayala phase. The site was built atop a small mesa with some terraced slopes, but the primary construction was at the top of the hill. It is noteworthy that the mesa is surrounded by cliffs, although a narrow stairway and path provided a single, easy access to the summit. We excavated the site in 2011 and found a structure from a pre-Chalchihuites context at the bottom of the excavation, on which was superimposed a typical Chalchihuites compound of a sunken patio surrounded by square rooms. At this site, a pair of complete Suchil Red-on-Buff plates in burial contexts was unfortunately recovered by looters, but we also recovered similar sherds in more secure archaeological contexts (Punzo et al. 2011). The same ceramic type has been found at La Ferrería and at the site of Navacoyan—also in the Guadiana Valley—and is generally considered an important marker of contemporaneity with the Alta Vista phase at Alta Vista, since it is found in abundance at that site. Two other significant Ayala phase ceramic types are Mercado and Amaro Red-on-Buff/Cream (see figure 9.4). Iconography found on this ceramic ware was shared throughout the Chalchihuites territory and was related to established Mesoamerican artistic traditions, as noted first in studies by Kelley and Abbott (1971). They link the Chalchihuites ceramic iconography to beliefs associated with the path of the sun, the representation of plumed serpents (or bird-serpents), and earth monsters. These, among other elements, are indicative of relations and dialogues with other traditions in Mesoamerica proper. More recent studies support these findings and further consolidate links to pan-Mesoamerican iconography in the Chalchihuites tradition (Ambríz 2013; Hers 2005; Medina and García 2010; Rodríguez 2009).

In 2011, our petrographic analysis of the ceramics of the Guadiana Valley Chalchihuites types concluded that almost all the Chalchihuites ceramic types were made with local clays (Sandoval 2011). The only one with a clearly extralocal origin was Suchil Red-on-Buff, made with clays that likely came from the San Antonio River near Alta Vista. In addition, the presence of four vessels at Alta Vista manufactured with the pseudo-cloisonné technique is significant, since pseudo-cloisonné ceramics have also been encountered at sites in western Mesoamerica—such as Los Guachimontones (Englehardt and Heredia in press) and Cerro del Huistle in Jalisco (see Hers 1983)—that are possibly related to the Chalchihuites culture. Further, possible pseudo-cloisonné sherds have been reported in similar temporal contexts at some sites in northern Zacatecas (e.g., Cerro Moctehuma, Portero del Calichal, Vesuvio, and Cerrito de la Cofradía; Kelley and Abbott 1971). In an important study, Sue Ward (1970) analyzed twenty-one pseudo-cloisonné sherds, mostly from sites in the northwest such as La Cofradía, Vesuvio, Moctehuma, Calichal, Totoate, Cerro Blanco, and La Ferrería. Ward identified different groups that suggested common manufacturing sources at distant sites, indicating nonlocal production.

It is also noteworthy that there are some complete vessels decorated with the pseudo-cloisonné technique. At Alta Vista, the most impressive examples are high annular-based cups or goblets, an uncommon vessel form in the rest of the Alta Vista phase ceramics (Kelley and Abbott 1971). On the other hand, at La Ferrería, the only one found with this decoration is a globular vessel, a form frequently used in Ayala phase wares. The iconography of these vessels is very significant. The goblets at Alta Vista are highly decorated, possessing more than thirty colors or hues (Kelley and Abbott 1971). The most important visual element is usually located on the vessel interior and depicts a complex life form—a bird holding a snake in a couple of cases and a human with a feather headdress, earplugs, mask, and a shield in another instance (Rodríguez 2009). The La Ferrería globular vessel is completely decorated. In the center is a human with a serpent body that surrounds the vessel, holding some white flowers or possibly paper rolls. The central figure is surrounded by elements that resemble maguey leaves. Other decorated ware found in the Guadiana Valley and at Alta Vista uses a negative design technique. Currently, no complete vessels and only a very few fragments have been found. Investigations at sites in Durango and Zacatecas have only yielded sherds from shallow bowls or plates. The decorative motif includes only dots and a few lines. Unfortunately, the small number and size of the sherds do not allow for substantive inferences regarding the meaning or sociocultural significance of the design.

In terms of interaction within and involving the northwest, however, the ceramic design techniques are very relevant. During the Alta Vista and Ayala phases, design elements with a Mesoamerican origin appear in the north along with techniques (e.g., pseudo-cloisonné) that probably originated in western Mesoamerica. Ceramics with similar designs have been reported at many west Mexican sites (Aronson 1993; Pomedio 2009), for example, at El Otero in Jiquilpán in northwestern Michoacán (Hers 2013; Noguera 1944) or in the lake basins of Jalisco (Lumholtz 1945). This suggests the presence of interaction networks that linked western Mesoamerica northward to Zacatecas and Durango, and possibly even further north into the US Southwest. Another important marker of interregional interaction during the Classic period is the presence of “foreign” ceramics from the Pacific coast in the inland northwest, especially at the site of La Ferrería in Durango.1 With the thorough reanalysis of the ceramics recovered by Kelley in the 1950s and the survey and excavations conducted in last decade, we now can conclude that 39 percent of the pottery from the Pacific coast found at La Ferrería is related to the Ayala phase (Punzo 2013a). The fact that 15.8 percent of the ceramics found by Kelley at the site are coastal types suggests a significant degree of interaction between La Ferrería and the coastal areas of Sinaloa and Nayarit at this time.

The coastal ceramics associated with the Ayala phase of AD 600–850 are concentrated in two of the most important structures at La Ferrería, Structure 7 (La Pirámide; figure 9.5) and Structure 1 (La Casa de los Dirigentes; figure 9.6). During recent excavations at La Ferrería we stratigraphically correlated Ayala phase pottery types such as Michililla red-filled engraved, Mercado and Amaro Red-on-Buff/Cream with coastal types like Middle Chametla Polychrome and Middle Chametla Polychrome Engraved. These types date to between AD 500 and AD 700, during the Baluarte phase on the coast (Foster 1995:70; Kelly 2008; Kelley and Winters 1960). In addition to the utilitarian red band and late black band incised, both types are also present throughout the subsequent Chametla phases. Through petrographic study of the coastal sherds from La Ferrería (Vidal 2011), we have learned that at least the Middle Chametla Polychrome Engraved was manufactured in southern Sinaloa, specifically in the Baluarte River basin and perhaps at the Chametla site itself. Kelley (1986) recognized this area as a precedent in the Aztatlán Mercantile System. These new data, however, suggest that a reevaluation of Kelley’s original model is in order. In contrast to Kelley’s idea of restricted interaction due to the lack of population in the Guadiana Valley during the Ayala phase, I propose instead that this period was one of intensive interregional interaction. La Ferrería likely served as a regional center for the distribution of ceramics and exotic goods such as marine shell into the Chalchihuites culture.

Another significant item found in northwestern Mesoamerica, and suggestive of interaction with broader Mesoamerican traditions, is the iron pyrite mirror. Such mirrors have been found at both Alta Vista and La Ferrería (figure 9.7). At Alta Vista a ceramic disc with a wood ring with indications of turquoise tesserae and pseudo-cloisonné decoration was found under the Hall of Columns, thus dating prior to AD 450 (Hers 2013). At La Ferrería, Kelley found two mirrors associated with burials under Structure 2 (La Casa Colorada), which he dated to an early stage of occupation of the structure during the Ayala phase. Iron pyrite mirrors have a long history in Mesoamerica, and appear to have been important ritual objects since the Formative period. For example, Taube (1992) has identified several representations of and images that depict mirrors with significant meanings at Teotihuacan, which he argues held important roles in diverse rituals. Such mirrors have also been encountered at many western Mesoamerican sites in Michoacán, Jalisco, and Nayarit (Hers 2013), and in the US Southwest iron pyrite mirrors are common in contemporaneous Hohokam contexts (McGuire and Villalpando 2008).

The Las Joyas Phase (AD 850–1000): The Apogee of the Guadiana Valley Chalchihuites and La Ferrería

By AD 850 all of the Chalchihuites sites that we have identified in the Guadiana Valley were occupied. The appearance of a great variety of sites probably reflects an increase in population size. Around this time “Mesoamerican” influences appear to have intensified on regional Chalchihuites groups, which simultaneously strengthened their ties with outlying regions, especially the Pacific coast, probably reflecting the start of the Acaponeta phases in the Chametla and Culiacán areas. But this Las Joyas phase also sees increasing independence for the Chalchihuites culture in Durango. During the preceding Ayala phase, iconography and architecture appear related to major sites in Zacatecas. In the Las Joyas phase, however, the iconography painted on ceramic vessels appears connected to broader pan-Mesoamerican traditions, traceable in the previous phase, but using more abstract motifs that appear locally inspired (cf. Englehardt and Heredia in press). This could indicate the selective incorporation of ideas by local ceramists. This is particularly seen in Nevería Red-on-Buff ceramics, which use abstract Mesoamerican elements such as deer, squirrels, and the representation of the earth monster, along with handles that display sun or star motifs.

Also at this time, La Ferrería became the largest settlement in the Guadiana Valley and the only site that combines the “typical” pattern of patios surrounded by residences with structures that likely had ritual significance, such as pyramids, ballcourts, circular structures, and square-roomed compounds. I suggest that during the Terminal Classic or Epiclassic Las Joyas phase, La Ferrería functioned as the northernmost ritual center in Mesoamerica, and the biggest in the Guadiana Valley, serving as a focal point and node of interaction for sites throughout the valley and perhaps more distant communities. Thus, by AD 800 there were three major regional centers in northwestern Mesoamerica: Alta Vista and Cerro Moctehuma in Zacatecas, and La Ferrería 100 kilometers northwest in Durango.

As detailed above, construction of the main buildings at La Ferrería started during the preceding Ayala phase (AD 600–850). In Las Joyas times, in addition to the building of Structure 5 (La Casa Grande), there is evidence of efforts to renew features such as Structure 1 (La Casa de los Dirigentes) and the circular structures mentioned by Kelley (1958). These two phases thus witnessed the florescence of the Chalchihuites occupation in the Guadiana Valley and saw major construction efforts. There are some parallels to these renewed construction episodes in regions such as the Bajío, which some scholars point to as evidence of a Teotihuacan presence, although others insist that this is a local phenomenon (see, e.g., Kristan-Graham 2011).

The north slope of La Ferrería contains small rectangular structures built over more than fifty terraces. This sector of the site has paths that connect the different terraces and facilitated access to and communication between the site summit, the abundant agricultural lands along the Tunal River, and ritual areas within the site. La Ferrería had two ceremonial precincts, located on the summit and the eastern flank of the main hill, respectively. On the summit itself are a small square pyramid and a circular structure of 14 m in diameter and almost 1 m in height. A small sunken patio with a square room is attached. The east sector of La Ferrería was home to key buildings such as the pyramid, the ballcourt, and the sunken patio compounds—themselves one of the defining features of the site. Although also found in other contexts throughout the valley, the compounds at La Ferrería are the largest in the region.

Probably the prominent feature at La Ferrería is the northernmost square, stepped pyramid in Mesoamerica, Structure 7 (see figure 9.5). Construction of this pyramid made use of a natural rock mass as a core and was then covered with additional layers of stones and earth. The northeast corner of the pyramid presents a remarkable characteristic, making a zigzag form (to the right of the image in figure 9.5). The crest of the pyramid is flat with a big sunken patio aligned to the cardinal directions and at least one square room in the west portion, which we excavated in 2012. At that patio, we made some archaeoastronomical observations and determined that the sunken patio marks the solstice and the equinox points where the sun rises behind the Sierra del Registro, thus creating a horizon calendar. The pyramid thus materializes a dynamic relationship between the sun, architecture, and landscape markers (Punzo 2012). From the center of the patio it is possible to observe the sunrise from the vertex or the northeast corner of the east entrance during the summer solstice, from the southeast corner of the patio vertex on the winter solstice, and during the spring and fall equinox from the south edge of the east entrance. The equinox points aligned with the stairway, as well as a petroglyph at the foot of the natural hill that depicts a hunter with arms and legs extended holding a lance or darts in his left hand and another object, too deteriorated for positive identification, in his right hand, and next to whom appear a series of quadrupeds that have been interpreted as deer. These alignments perhaps suggest that important rituals were to have occurred on these astronomically significant days (Punzo 2012). This type of solar observation has also been suggested to have occurred at other sites such as Alta Vista, Cerro Chapin, and Cerro Pedregoso in Zacatecas (Aveni et al. 1982). These relationships likely permitted the Chalchihuites people to associate the movement of the sun with agricultural cycles and a ritual calendar. The presence of a solar calendar related to ritual cycles and agriculture is another significant pan-Mesoamerican trait, albeit in this case with the incorporation of local elements.

Above, I briefly mentioned a potential relationship between La Ferrería and the Chametla area of Sinaloa during the Ayala phase. This relationship appears to have strengthened during the Las Joyas phase. Such strengthening of interaction is reflected in the abundance of Lolandis red rim pottery at La Ferrería—a pottery type that Isabel Kelly (2008) argued is among the most important at northwestern coastal sites. At La Ferrería, the Lolandis sherds comprise 44 percent of the ceramics from Structure 5 (La Casa Grande) and 22 percent of the types found in Structure 1 (La Casa de los Dirigentes). Another twelve structures had a minor percentage of coastal pottery Kelley and Abbott (1971) argue that during the Las Joyas phase, a colony of coastal people in residence at La Ferrería produced such pottery. A recent petrographic analysis (Vidal 2011) indicates that the Lolandis ceramic type was made in both the Durango and Chametla areas and was traded along the Sierra Madre in both directions. Lolandis pottery is abundant in the Guadiana Valley, present not only at La Ferrería, but also at the sites of Navacoyan, Plan de Ayala, Las Humedades, and Nayar.

That fact notwithstanding, the amount of material from the coast in the Guadiana Valley actually decreased at this time. The percentage of coastal types to the total Las Joyas phase ceramic assemblage is only 8 percent, lower than in the preceding Ayala phase (as detailed above). Nonetheless, it is significant that the diversity of coastal ceramic types present in regional assemblages increased at this time. During Las Joyas, La Ferrería apparently received a wider variety of pottery from the coast of Sinaloa, such as Aguaruto engraved, from the central region of Sinaloa among the Aztatlán; and Botadero engraved, Cocoyolitos Polychrome, Chametla red rim decorated (AD 750–1050; Foster 1995:70), Tuxpan engraved, and Lolandis (AD 750–900; Kelley and Winters 1960) from southern Sinaloa. These types are also present in sites such as Plan de Ayala and Navacoyan in the Guadiana Valley and the site of Cañón de Molino in the Guatimapé basin. Thus, interaction with the coast is not suggested through the sheer amount of material encountered in inland Durango, but rather through the diversity of the materials present. It is also potentially significant that during this phase the Gomelia site along the Santiago River began to have important interactions with the Pacific coast, channeled through the central part of Sinaloa, and through the northern site of Zape—a conclusion supported by the ceramic types found at these sites. The conclusion of the Las Joyas phase around AD 1000 also marks the end of relations between the Chalchihuites sites of Zacatecas and those in Durango. Around that time, the major Chalchihuites sites in Zacatecas, such as Alta Vista, were abandoned. These changes in the southern frontier impacted the Durango area as many sites were diminished or abandoned in the Guadiana Valley.

The Abandonment of Chalchihuites in Zacatecas and the Appearance of the Aztatlán Tradition in the Early Postclassic (ca. AD 1000)

The end of Las Joyas and the beginning of the Tunal phase at approximately AD 1000 was a gradual transition and not an abrupt change. In the early Tunal phase the number of settlements in the Guadiana Valley diminished as smaller groups coalesced into larger villages. Almost one-half of the sites occupied during the Las Joyas phase were abandoned, and major construction ceased at La Ferrería. Other sites in the Guadiana Valley, however, increased in size, as occurred at Navacoyan, Cerro de las Casitas, Mesa de las Tapias, and Plan de Ayala, as well as at Cañón de Molino in the Guatimapé Valley (Punzo 2013a). This pattern of population change in the Guadiana Valley was roughly contemporaneous with the abandonment of Chalchihuites sites in Zacatecas around AD 950, especially Alta Vista (Kelley 1985:269–287). This phenomenon had a great impact on sites in Durango, as any intimate relations between Zacatecas and Durango ended with the abandonment of Alta Vista. At the same time, the Pacific coast experienced changes at the beginning of the Acaponeta phase in southern and central Sinaloa and around Guasave to the north. The northern frontier of Mesoamerica along the Sinaloa coastal areas seems to have shifted north to around 26 degrees north latitude, the parallel on which the site of Zape in Durango was approximately situated.

During the Tunal phase, ceramic vessel forms and decoration changed considerably. The manufacture of tripod vessels, first seen in the Ayala and Las Joyas phases (see figure 9.4), continued, and ollas began to be decorated. A white slip and red paint were common, while the use of Brown and Buff slips and pseudoslips with red paint were abandoned. Iconography also changed—zoomorphic and anthropomorphic motifs were replaced by geometric patterns and abstract motifs. Kelley called this ceramic type Otinapa red-on-white, and it has many similarities with the ceramics from the coast of Nayarit and Sinaloa, and even with Hohokam in the US Southwest (Carot and Hers 2011). As Guadiana Valley sites grew in size at this time, more coastal ceramics appeared. In 1954, a very early Otinapa tripod vessel was found in La Ferrería Structure 1 (La Casa de los Dirigentes) along with an Aztatlán Polychrome vase. This association helps date the end of the Las Joyas and the beginning of the Tunal phases. In addition, the finding is very significant because the local Otinapa vessel was encountered in the same ritual context as the imported Aztatlán codex-style vase. Another significant change observed in the ceramic materials during this transition is the presence of coastal globular spindle whorls associated with the Lolandis and Acaponeta phases in Chametla (Kelly 2008) as opposed to the engraved button spindle whorls characteristic of the Chalchihuites culture. The presence of globular spindle whorls in the Guadiana Valley has been documented at La Ferrería, Navacoyan, and Cerro de las Casitas. It is also worth mentioning that six engraved button spindle whorls were found at Paquimé in northern Chihuahua in a Medio period context (AD 1200–1450). These finds suggest sporadic contact between this final manifestation of the Chalchihuites culture with the Casas Grandes region in Chihuahua (Punzo and Villalpando 2015).

The second half of the Tunal phase witnessed the appearance of a very important trade ceramic from the coast in Durango: Guasave Red-on-Buff, which dates to AD 1100–1450 (Carpenter 1996). At La Ferrería, this ceramic type constitutes 9 percent of the total of the ceramics from the coast encountered during the Tunal phase. This is significant because the building activity at La Ferrería wanes at this point, though occupation and activities continue at least to the year AD 1200, as we found during our excavations in 2011 (Punzo et al. 2011). In the Guadiana Valley, the Navacoyan site seems to have been fortified at this time, increasing in size and importance. At this site, the Guasave ceramic type is the most abundant of the coastal wares. The other important site in the Guadiana Valley at which Guasave Red-on-Buff ceramics have been found is Plan de Ayala. The presence of this pottery type in the northern site of Cañón de Molino is also significant, and suggests that interaction networks between inland Durango and coastal Sinaloa continued to operate throughout the Tunal and subsequent Calera phases.

Along with the appearance of ceramics from the Pacific coast, metallic items are more frequently encountered beginning in the Tunal phase. The proposed beginning date for copper production in Mesoamerica is AD 600, based on findings at the Tomatlán site in Jalisco and Cerro del Huistle on the Jalisco and Zacatecas border (Hosler 1994). Many archaeologists, including myself, are uncertain of this date and suggest that metallurgical production may not have commenced until at least 300 years later (Maldonado 2006; see also Niklas Schulze and Blanca E. Maldonado, chapter 11 in this volume). In any case, metal objects are very rare in the northwest prior to AD 900. In Alta Vista, a single copper bell was reported in a late burial in Pyramid 1 (Aveni et al. 1982). At post–AD 900 sites in Durango, numerous copper bells and other metal objects have been recovered including chains, rings, plaques, pins, hooks, earplugs, and zoomorphic figures (figure 9.8). The majority of bell shapes in Durango are conical (type 1C in Pendergast’s [1962] classification) and have been recovered at sites in the Guadiana Valley (La Ferrería and Navacoyan) and in northern Durango at Corral de Piedra (Bridget Zavala, personal communication, 2015). During excavations at Navacoyan site, we found a 1C1a copper bell in a context related to the Las Joyas phase, confirming a date between AD 900 and 1000 like the ones proposed in Amapa in Nayarit, one of the most important Aztatlán sites. In the US Southwest, this type of bell was found in Pueblo Alto in New Mexico’s Chaco Canyon dating to AD 1040–1100 and at Gila Pueblo, Arizona, dating to AD 1345–1385 (Vargas 1995:29–38).

Other types of relevant bells present in Durango are the IA5a bells (Tlaloc type) of Cañón de Molino. This type is also present at numerous sites in west Mexico, such as Amapa; Tuxcacuesco in Jalisco; and Apatzingán, Coahuayana, and Tepalcatepec in Michoacán. Further north this type is present at Paquimé in Chihuahua (Di Peso 1974), at Black Falls Ruin and in Wupatki in northern Arizona, which in both locations dates to AD 1100–1250 (Vargas 1995). Recently in Trincheras, Sonora, four copper bells of type IA5a and one of an unidentified style were encountered during surface collection, all in a context in which pottery associated with Paquimé was also recovered (Punzo and Villalpando 2015). These data confirm the presence of this material in a temporal context contemporaneous with the Tunal and Calera phases, suggesting that interregional interaction between the northern frontier of Mesoamerica in Durango and both northern Mexico and the American Southwest was continuing at this time.

The beginning of the Calera phase in Durango was marked by another change in ceramic styles. The use of White and Buff slips decorated with red paint, employed since the Ayala phase, was abandoned. A red polished slip appeared, decorated with abstract elements in white paint. This pottery type, known as Nayar white-on-red (Kelley and Abbott 1971) shows the influence of motifs from the coast, such as the checkerboard decoration of the Gusave Red-on-Buff. This use of elements and colors is very similar to other pottery styles found across west Mexico, for example, in Santiago white-on-red pottery from Nayarit (Foster 1995) or other types from Jalisco. However, the iconography and the designs expressed in those ceramics vary across regions.

During the Calera phase at La Ferrería there was very little activity, and portions of the site were likely abandoned. Few ceramics from the coast are present, although a couple of Dun-fluted (AD 1250–1400) ceramic fragments from the Culiacán region were found at La Ferrería. Nevertheless, during the Tunal and Calera phases, relations between the coast and inland Durango did intensify. A close relation between the Chalchihuites and the Aztatlán Tradition (Kelley 1986) is suggested through the presence of traded prestige goods such as globular spindle whorls, metal objects, and ceramic pipes. It likely that these trade relationships began during the Ayala phase, escalated during the Las Joyas phase, and reached their apogee during the latter part of the Tunal phase, in which the Guadiana Valley became an important link between regional Chalchihuites sites, west Mexico, and greater Mesoamerica. Further, the strengthened nature of the relationship between the cultures of the Pacific coast and inland Durango during the late Tunal phase created a new phenomenon in the highlands of the Sierra Madre that separated the coast and inland. Beginning around AD 1050 cliff dwellings were constructed and occupied (figure 9.9), creating small communities residing in rock shelters along the cliffs lining the rivers and creeks of the region (Punzo 2013b). Inhabitants were related to the Chalchihuites communities to the east and produced the same pottery types, though these were manufactured with local materials (Sandoval and Punzo 2015).

The Total Abandonment of Chalchihuites Sites and the Contraction of the Northwestern Frontier of Mesoamerica to the West ca. AD 1350

The occupation of the Valleys of Durango by the Chalchihuites culture ended around AD 1350. Presumably, people from further northwest migrated into the region (Berrojalbiz 2012; Berrojalbiz and Hers 2013; Hers 2001) and mixed with a diminished Chalchihuites population, transforming into an altered social group without a strong Mesoamerican heritage. However, the inhabitants of the highlands in the Sierra Madre maintained a solid Mesoamerican tradition for another 250 years, enduring until the conquest of the area by the Spaniards at the end of the sixteenth century and beginning of the seventeenth (Punzo 2013b). The inhabitants of the highlands, named Acaxees and Xiximes by the Spaniards, also used important elements related to Mesoamerican traditions in their rituals, such as the ballgame. Archaeologically, we find some architectural evidence of ballcourts, and in the historical sources there are ample descriptions of the game and the ritual (Punzo 1999, 2013b).

The principal adornments of those Acaxee and Xixime warriors were necklaces of marine shells, copper earrings, jaguar or mountain lion leather bracelets and quivers, and a disk carried on the back (Punzo 2013b). These ornaments are known from historical descriptions, but only copper elements have been found in archaeological contexts. In the 1970s, Charles Di Peso reported the presence of a conical copper bell at the Topia site, the most important Acaxee site (Obregón 1988). Also at the site was a copper earplug. At the nearby Canelas sites some metal rings were found. The Jesuits, who evangelized in the Sierra Madre at the end of the sixteenth century, noted the Acaxee emphasis on the acquisition of metal objects and their importance. This site of Topia is on an old route between the coastal Culiacán area and central Durango. The route was used by the Spaniards during the conquest and then to access the mines developed in the area of Topia and San Andrés (Punzo 2013b).

The Mesoamerican elements discussed above, as well as parrot and macaw breeding by these groups, were key to integrating this region in interregional interactions that included Mesoamerica, northern Mexico, and the US Southwest until the late Postclassic period, when ties were broken and the region was abandoned not long after the arrival of the Spanish in the mid-sixteenth century.

Final Thoughts

The northern frontier of Mesoamerica during the Classic and Postclassic period is marked by two major cultural developments. The first was the appearance of the Chalchihuites culture in northern Zacatecas, a region whose prior occupation and population did not exhibit a great degree of social complexity, and the second was the emergence of the Aztatlán tradition on the coast of Nayarit and Sinaloa—a tradition with deep roots in western Mesoamerica.

Regional developments in northwestern Mesoamerica have traditionally been viewed only as the result of migrations of people from central Mexico, especially from Teotihuacan, that imposed their way of life on a passive local population—in other words, a colonialist scheme. In this chapter, I have presented data to argue that regional developments were also driven by internal factors unique to the region, with a great degree of local agency. Although local populations did receive influence from Mesoamerica, including traditional prestige goods, these were incorporated into localized cultural systems, and groups in the northwest deployed and interpreted such items within their own cultural canons, using them in regionally specific contexts. In this way, such groups played an active role in the spread of many pan-Mesoamerican ideas, objects, and symbols throughout the northwest—categories and artifacts that are traceable archaeologically.

The apogee of Alta Vista in northern Zacatecas and the emergence of the Chalchihuites culture in Durango, 200 mi. to the north, corresponded generally to the decline of Teotihuacan in central Mexico around the year AD 600. During this time, northwestern Mesoamerica witnessed the proliferation of pan-Mesoamerican symbolism, perhaps most evident in ceramic iconography and architectural forms (e.g., pyramids, colonnaded halls, ballcourts, etc.). The spread of such forms and motifs is generally indicative of interaction between the northwest and broader Mesoamerican culture areas and traditions. Nonetheless, recent research in the region suggests that the development of the Chalchihuites culture did not merely stem from a process of colonization by central Mexican interlopers. Rather, the evidence indicates the selective appropriation and differential use of this corpus of pan-Mesoamerican ideas to variable degrees across the northwest. For example, at La Ferrería the presence of pan-Mesoamerican iconographic motifs is common on ceramics at the site, and such elements are formally quite similar to central Mexican iterations of the same motifs. Further to the north, however, at sites such as Zape or Hervideros, such motifs, although present, are less common and exhibit greater formal variability. That said, both inter- and intraregional interaction are suggested by the presence and similar use of certain ceramic types and architectural features across the northwest.

Regional patterns of settlement and interaction underwent profound changes around AD 1000. At this time the Chalchihuites sites in Zacatecas were abandoned, but there was an explosion of Mesoamerican presence in the coast, moving from Chametla in southern Sinaloa to Guasave 250 mi. to the north. As detailed above, relations between the Chalchihuites in the Guadiana Valley and Chametla on the Sinaloan coast existed and were important prior to AD 1000, but after this date interaction between the coast and inland areas became stronger and even more pronounced. Not only did interaction between the coast and the Guadiana Valley increase at this time, but there was also a spike in interaction and interconnectivity between the coast and all Chalchihuites populations in Durango, evidenced through the appearance of “coastal” artifacts throughout Durango, along the eastern slopes of the Sierra Madre, and at regional cliff-dwelling sites such as Cueva del Maguey.

These general patterns continued for the next 350 years. But there is also evidence for an increase in interaction between the northwest and areas further afield at this time (e.g., the presence of cranial deformation at the site of Cañón de Molino in Durango [Lazalde 1987], an activity not typically practiced by Chalchihuites people previously). Nonetheless, again it would appear that local groups in Durango selectively employed these “new” pan-Mesoamerican ideas within their own cultural contexts and expressed them in locally specific ways, from ceramic iconography to the use of copper items in rituals. By AD 1350, however, interaction within and across the northwest appears to have tapered off significantly. When the Spaniards arrived in the region some 200 years later, they encountered among the indigenous groups who inhabited the Sierra Madre few surviving relics of the intense interaction—between Chalchihuites, Aztatlán, and broader pan-Mesoamerican cultural traditions—that had characterized the northwest for nearly a millennium.

Note

References