Chapter Abstracts
Chapter 1
HAZARDS, IMPACTS, AND RESILIENCE AMONG HUNTER-GATHERERS OF THE KURIL ISLANDS
In the anthropological and archaeological literature, hunter-gatherers are often treated as victims of short-term environmental catastrophe and longer-term environmental change, responding to extreme environmental perturbations through adaptation or local extinction/emigration. The Kuril Biocomplexity Project was designed in part to evaluate the extent to which the hunter-gatherer settlement history in the environmentally dynamic Kuril Islands was affected by catastrophic events and sustained climate changes. This chapter pulls together newly generated archaeological, geological, and paleoenvironmental evidence to consider the extent to which Kuril hunter-gatherers were vulnerable to extreme environmental hazards in combination with relatively high geographic insularity.
The chapter explicitly discusses the key hazards (volcanic eruptions, earthquakes and tsunamis, low biotic diversity, climate change, and their effects on sea ice distributions, storminess and marine productivity, and geographic-social insularity), evidence of past impacts (frequencies and intensities of volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, and tsunamis and significant changes in climate and marine productivity), and evidence for human mitigation, vulnerabilities, and resilience to these hazards (settlement displacement and hiatuses in occupation, evasive settlement placement, foraging selectivity, and development of selective exchange networks). A major conclusion of this case study is that hunter-gatherers were remarkably resilient to environmental calamities, which for the most part had limited impacts on settlement history. Explaining the discontinuous occupation history of the Kurils instead requires consideration of the effects of social networking in the context of relative insularity and the cultural implications of social, political, and economic developments in the more densely occupied “mainland” regions to the south and west. From this study we can begin to develop a generalized model concerning social scale and networks of social and economic interdependence that can help us better conceptualize future risks to human occupation of these and similar relatively insular environments.
Chapter 2
RESPONSES TO EXPLOSIVE VOLCANIC ERUPTIONS BY SMALL TO
COMPLEX SOCIETIES IN ANCIENT MEXICO AND CENTRAL AMERICA
The full range of societal complexities, from small egalitarian villages to state-level civilizations, was impacted by explosive volcanic eruptions in ancient Central America and Mexico. Some societies were remarkably resilient and recovered from the volcanic disasters within decades. Others were vulnerable to sudden massive stresses and failed to recover. This chapter explores the factors that contribute to resilience or vulnerability, including societal complexity, demography and mobility, connectivity, magnitude of the eruption, social conflict, organization of the economy, loss of traditional environmental knowledge (TEK), and political organization. Each factor can be scaled regarding its contribution to vulnerability. As societies respond to disasters, not everyone suffers. There were winners and losers in the ancient past, as there are with contemporary disasters. People learn from disasters and modify their vulnerabilities. Therefore the creative aspects of hazard perception are also explored in this chapter.
Chapter 3
BLACK SUN, HIGH FLAME, AND FLOOD:
VOLCANIC HAZARDS IN ICELAND
People in Iceland have lived (and died) with volcanic hazards for over 1,150 years. These hazards can be broadly grouped into fout types: those from volcanic fallout (ash fall and pyroclastic flows), floods (of water melted from glaciers or dammed in rivers and lahars), lava, and pollution (poisoning from carbon monoxide and fluorine). They occur at irregular intervals and often widely separated times—maybe once or twice a generation, maybe once a millennium. When volcanic hazards do occur, their scale may be comparatively limited—affecting a small region for a short time—or their effects may be persistent and felt both across the entire island and much farther afield. Long recurrence times have meant there may be little specific planning to cope with volcanic impact.
The potential human impacts of volcanic eruptions do not depend on the size and type of eruption alone; the environmental and social context is vital. Few volcanic eruptions have directly or indirectly killed people, but when bad synergies occur, death tolls can be great.
Historically, communal resilience in Iceland that developed to face other environmental challenges, such as extreme weather, has been the basis of effective response to volcanic hazards and the mitigation of their impacts. Today, volcanic emergency planning in Iceland has specific provisions based on detailed geological assessments. The modern science of volcanic hazard assessment faces a number of specific challenges over establishing the nature of possible events and their potential impacts. Some past volcanic events have left clear traces behind, such as a layer of volcanic ash or a characteristic flood deposit. Other hazards, such as fluorine poisoning of livestock, leave no direct evidence, and their occurrence has to be inferred indirectly through, for example, studies of magma composition (to infer the presence of a volatile element) or written records of deaths of livestock or people. Even when there is direct physical evidence, such as the landscape record of a flood, it may be ambiguous. Was it from a volcanic event? How big was the event?
Serendipitously, the volcanic events that create hazards in Iceland have also created a very effective means of assessing those hazards. Volcanic eruptions frequently create extensive layers of volcanic ash (tephra) that are rapidly spread across the landscape. These deposits form marker horizons that are incorporated into the rapidly aggrading aeolian soils. We can identify, correlate, and date these tephra deposits; reconstruct extensive synchronous horizons; and use them to gain precise knowledge of past hazards: their magnitude, extent, and impact. The tephras themselves may be the hazard; we can tell if this is so because precise mapping of individual deposits can tell us their size and environmental impact. In a similar way we can, for example, use tephras to show that scattered traces of flooding may all belong to the same event and have originated from a volcano. Crucially, we can also reconstruct details of the environments at the time of past volcanic events and thus gain key data on the context of past hazards. Precise dating (to the decade, year, season, and even the day) allows true interdisciplinary collaboration and effective discussion about common questions of hazard, mitigation, and disaster among historians, archaeologists, ecologists, geographers, geologists, planners, and policy makers. Deeper time (multi-millennia) perspectives can give insight on possible return times and alert us to events that can occur but that have not (yet) been experienced in historical time.
Chapter 4
FAIL TO PREPARE, THEN PREPARE TO FAIL: RETHINKING THREAT,
VULNERABILITY, AND MITIGATION IN THE PRECOLUMBIAN CARIBBEAN
For over 5,000 years, Precolumbian populations in the Caribbean lived with the hazards created by the impacts of climate change—in particular, a 6-m rise in relative sea levels, marked variation in annual rainfall, and periodic intensification of hurricane activity. In this chapter I evaluate the ways Precolumbian populations identified the risk of these potential hazards and consider how they mitigated the impacts over time to build resilient communities. This research exploits the time depth of cultural practice to provide archaeological lessons that can inform current responses to the impacts of sudden environmental change in the Caribbean. I explore the temporal and spatial scales at which cause and effect between archaeological and paleoenvironmental phenomena can be correlated, analyzed, and interpreted. Using a series of well-researched case studies from around the Caribbean, I correlate archaeological data with the identified impacts of sudden environmental change to provide key patterns in the changing nature of Precolumbian cultural practices. I argue that Precolumbian communities developed settlement locations, food procurement strategies, and household architecture designs well suited to living through the impacts of sudden environmental change. I discuss how these past communities developed resilient lifeways in the face of both short- and long-term hazards and consider whether modern populations in the Caribbean could develop coping strategies that utilize these Precolumbian lessons for living through the impacts of climate change.
Chapter 5
COLLATION, CORRELATION, AND CAUSATION IN
THE PREHISTORY OF COASTAL PERU
The coast of Peru is subject to a multitude of hazards occurring at different temporal and spatial scales and often working synergistically to create major disasters for the region’s human inhabitants. The best known of these hazards is El Niño, a recurring climatic perturbation that brings torrential rain, erosion of landscapes and infrastructure, loss of marine biomass, and plagues of diseases and insects. Earthquakes are also common and can prime the terrain with sediment that is set in motion by El Niño and cycled through the landscape by subsequent littoral and aeolian processes. The final round in the sediment cycle is sand swamping of agricultural systems, complementing the initial destruction from El Niño but on a longer timescale. All of the components of this system of synergistic hazards continue to operate today in the context of population growth and high-investment agrarian expansion. In this chapter we review several case studies involving El Niño, earthquakes, and sand, with attention to frequency and predictability, temporal and spatial scales, and human impacts. We conclude by considering the potential role of hazards across the long sweep of cultural development in ancient Peru and drawing lessons for the future.
Chapter 6
SILENT HAZARDS, INVISIBLE RISKS: PREHISPANIC EROSION
IN THE TEOTIHUACAN VALLEY, CENTRAL MEXICO
This chapter provides a case study of risk and resilience from the Teotihuacan Valley in the northern Basin of Mexico. Between 100 BC and AD 600, the prehispanic city of Teotihuacan grew to occupy an area of roughly 20 km2, with at least 100,000 inhabitants in the urban zone alone. The city had an enormous impact on the surrounding landscape, and the city’s development was associated with adaptive strategies in which inhabitants modified the landscape to deal with the increased vulnerability to natural hazards created by rising population densities.
Results from recent geoarchaeological research in the Teotihuacan Valley suggest a complex history of landscape development closely associated with human impact. Clear evidence for alternating periods of landscape stability and instability is related to periodic erosion. Evidence for severe erosion and concomitant floods is directly related to the regional settlement history. Deforestation of surrounding slopes contributed to increased runoff that was partially controlled by terracing; the abandonment of terrace systems following population decline contributed to uncontrolled erosion and flooding. Historical documents describe similar events following the Spanish Conquest, which resulted in the relocation of at least one village and administrative center. These processes contributed to severe floods in Mexico City because the hydrological system of the Teotihuacan region drained into the lake system on which the Colonial city was constructed.
Erosion and floods are common today in the central highlands of Mexico; although the immediate causes may vary, inadequate management of slopes results in proportional risks for human lives and economic infrastructure. The transition from what was largely a rural agricultural economy to an urban-based service-oriented economy, together with a significant increase in population density, represents an enormous challenge to the sustainability of the Basin of Mexico. Archaeological settlement patterns and other kinds of archaeological and paleoecological evidence from the Teotihuacan Valley and elsewhere in the Basin of Mexico provide important lessons for modern-day communities. This case study suggests that urban communities integrated with productive rural hinterlands, rather than the current model of extensive industrial corridors and dense human settlements, contribute to greater resilience for human populations and sustainability for the environment.
Chapter 7
DOMINATION AND RESILIENCE IN BRONZE AGE MESOPOTAMIA
Although Mesopotamia has long occupied a prominent position in the Western public imagination, recent events—in particular, the US-led occupation of Iraq and the large-scale looting of museums and archaeological sites—have drawn the Iraqi present and the Mesopotamian past vividly into the spotlight. Images of legendary ancient cities, now stranded in arid wastelands, and broken monuments to kings of vanished civilizations resonate powerfully with modern audiences, themselves increasingly uncertain about our collective future. For a world in which environmental disaster and economic collapse loom on the horizon, ancient Mesopotamia can provide both cautionary tales and success stories. Recurring hazards such as drought, disease, flooding, and river channel shifts were regularly planned for, counteracted, and endured in Mesopotamia. Several episodes of political and economic collapse, however, testify to the precarious balance that was sometimes struck between centralizing efforts and a capricious environment. The vigorous debates generated by these collapse episodes also exemplify the difficulty of pinning down and explaining the causal factors behind social and environmental transformations. The case studies presented here challenge the reader to tease apart the complicated interconnections that link human action and institutional management with processes of environmental degradation and climate change.
This chapter focuses on the Bronze Age (ca. 3000–1200 BC) in Mesopotamia. Following immediately on the heels of state formation and the so-called Urban Revolution, the Bronze Age was a time of demographic flux and intense political contestation. Cities dominated the landscape, and powerful urban institutions vied for control over the labor and resources of a heterogeneous population. During several brief episodes of political centralization, expansionist dynasties created regional-scale polities that eventually dissolved, leaving a recurring pattern of autonomous city-states. At the same time, occasional evidence for large groups of nomadic or semi-nomadic pastoralists hints at the existence of segments of the population that were able to operate, at least partially, beyond the bounds of institutional control.
The complexity and dynamism of the socio-political landscape in Bronze Age Mesopotamia must take center stage in any study of environmental hazards and their impact on human society. The inhabitants of Mesopotamia were confronted with a difficult and unpredictable environment, and many of them dealt directly with that environment on a daily basis as they plowed their fields, worked their gardens, or led their animals to pasture. For many, however, interaction with the environment was mediated by or filtered through institutional structures; the effects of institutional control were an ever-present fact of life, whether visible in the strict orchestration of daily tasks or, more indirectly, in the legacy of a heavily managed and modified agricultural landscape. This chapter provides an introduction to the range of hazards—both strictly “environmental” and human-induced—that threatened the livelihood of people and the survival of settlements and states in Bronze Age Mesopotamia. It also outlines the responses that were available and the short- and long-term impacts of different types of hazard. Throughout the discussion, emphasis is placed on the evolving role of institutional management and the shifting boundaries of institutional domination.
Chapter 8
LONG-TERM VULNERABILITY AND RESILIENCE: THREE
EXAMPLES FROM ARCHAEOLOGICAL STUDY IN THE
SOUTHWESTERN UNITED STATES AND NORTHERN MEXICO
Archaeology brings time depth to an array of issues, from migration and resettlement to climate change and environmental impacts of human actions. The long term does not provide predictions for future courses but it does provide examples, social-ecological experiments of sorts, by which we can come to better understand processes and relationships used to make contemporary decisions about managing for change versus managing for stability. In this chapter we describe a collaborative study of long-term relationships between ecosystems and social systems in the prehispanic and proto-historic southwestern United States and northern Mexico that examines key concepts employed by scholars and policy makers in the resilience community. This community’s concern is with promotion of social and environmental policies that build resilient systems that can flexibly respond to uncertain future conditions and avoid catastrophic transformations. In this chapter we focus on three key concepts: rigidity, diversity, and tradeoffs.
Chapter 9
SOCIAL EVOLUTION, HAZARDS, AND RESILIENCE:
SOME CONCLUDING THOUGHTS
I briefly consider the history of social evolutionary models in anthropology and, even more briefly, in biology. I discuss the implications of the chapters in this book for these models, which as a group imply that such models must consider the types of risks and hazards a society faces, as well as the temporal and spatial structures of those risks. I outline what such a model would look like.
Chapter 10
GLOBAL ENVIRONMENTAL CHANGE, RESILIENCE,
AND SUSTAINABLE OUTCOMES
Resilience of a system is often defined as the system’s ability to maintain its basic structure and essential functions in the face of a stress or a shock. In many ways a socio-ecological system’s response to the occurrence of a natural hazard is an excellent, although often extreme, case study of resilience. In examining these ecodynamics, we must differentiate between what we expect to be appropriate behavior based on our own implicitly justified normative views and what we actually observe in the past to be a sustainable situation. Many basic principles advocated in ecological versions of resilience theory—such as the value of redundancy, flexibility, stored capital, investment in mitigation, and maximum information flow—may in fact conflict with sustainable outcomes when applied to human-dominated systems. Moreover, a resilience approach is often predicated on the assumption that current conditions (natural in particular) are optimal and that change equates with degradation of the system and hence is negative. However, as we know from social systems, current conditions may not be desirable and may have feedbacks that strongly resist change (e.g., the poverty trap). Implementing a sustainability approach requires that we not only promote a system’s adaptive capacity but also that we evaluate the desirability of the system as it now operates and develop measurable indicators that encode desirable, normatively held values. These indicators would include aspects of the biophysical functioning of the ecosystem but also equity and access to opportunities in the social system and how the two interact and ramify. In fact, most practitioners of sustainability find that the systems they study are not only less than optimal but also do not even meet minimal standards of sustainability. All of this becomes more complex in the face of potential, systems-transforming natural hazards.